AEDPA, IIRIRA and the 1990's. (a betrayal of Democratic values)

This is a story about a forgotten time when a Democratic president sold out our ideals for the sake of...well...something.

In general it seems that the Democrats remember the 1990's as a golden age. For some Americans it was. Poverty was down and income was up and that's great.

Unfortunately the economy changes and along with it the fortunes of the people. Now poverty is up and incomes are down. So goes the economic cycle.

One real way to judge the legacy of an administration is to examine the legislation they promote or sign.  

Since we're being told that Senator Clinton is running in part based on her experience in her husband's administration I'd like to briefly examine a couple of bills that the Clinton administration signed into law as that's part of the record she's running on.

In 1996 the Senate and House passed the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act. Bill Clinton signed it into law on April 24, 1996.

AEDPA hurt citizens and immigrants alike. AEDPA severely restricted the appeals process for people on death row and curtailed judicial review making it easier for the government to execute people.

In the criminal contest AEDPA has been described as:

"a Draconian statute that prevents defendants even from challenging their convictions based on, for instance, strong new evidence of innocence, or a serious error of law on a question the Supreme Court has not yet directly addressed."

It's clear that in our flawed criminal justice system with its obvious race and class bias that such a law would disproportionately harm the poor and minorities. Other than pandering to the right-wing there was little or not legitimate reason to pass such a bill and a principled stand by a Democrat would have been to veto it.

AEDPA also removed some of the existing legal processes for immigrants facing deportation and made it easier to deport people. It created mandatory detention prior to deportation. It broadened the types of crimes that could result in a deportation. Essentially it made it easier for the government to detain and deport people and made it harder for those same people to prove that they should be allowed to stay.

The  Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility was also passed and signed into law in 1996. Along with AEDPA this law was supposed to have the effect of controlling illegal immigration and immigration fraud. In actuality they are both needlessly and pointlessly harsh and punitive laws that harm American families and make it harder to legally enter the United States.

The American Immigration Lawyers association has described some of the harshest provisions of both AEDPA and IIRIRA:

Removal of judicial  review

IIRIRA contains many provisions that strip the courts of any authority to review Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) decisions.  Under IIRIRA, a court no longer can review virtually any discretionary decisions affording relief to eligible individuals.

Expanded and retroactive definition of deportable offenses

IIRIRA greatly expands the definition of "aggravated felony" for immigration purposes.  This definition is unrelated to any criminal definitions and, under IIRIRA, includes non-violent crimes such as shoplifting and check kiting.  Under immigration law, "aggravated felons" are automatically deportable without the possibility of relief from deportation.  Furthermore, the new expanded definitions are retroactive.  Thus, legal immigrants may be placed into deportation proceedings today for minor offenses they committed decades ago.  This is true even if the offense was not defined at the time as an aggravated felony (and therefore may not have been a deportable offense), and the immigrant has served his/her punishment in the criminal law system or had no sentence imposed.

Removal of discretion from Immigration Judges

Prior to the passage of IIRIRA, the Immigration and Nationality Act provided immigration judges with some discretion to grant relief from deportation for long-term lawful permanent residents who had committed a crime but merited a "second chance."  In order to be eligible to apply for relief, an applicant had to show that he or she had been a lawful permanent resident for at least seven years, had served less than five years of a sentence if the underlying crime was classified as an "aggravated felony," had been rehabilitated, and had no other criminal record.  If the applicant was able to establish these factors, the immigration judge had the discretion not to deport the applicant.  However, IIRIRA completely bars anyone who has been convicted of an aggravated felony from even applying for this type of relief.  This provision essentially denies any opportunity for rehabilitation for long-term permanent residents who have family here and ties to the community.  Reform is needed given the broadly expanded definition and retroactive application of aggravated felony provisions under IIRIRA.

Expedited removal procedures

IIRIRA creates a new expedited removal process at all U.S. ports of entry.  Under this process, an INS inspector at a port of entry can summarily remove people without a hearing who are attempting to enter the U.S. with fraudulent or no documents. Persons who attempt to enter by "misrepresentation" also may be removed.  Persons summarily removed can be barred from reentering the U.S. for a minimum of five years, and possibly permanently.  IIRIRA explicitly strips the federal courts of any authority to review the INS's decision in this area, thereby providing low-level INS employees with broad, unchecked authority to issue final and binding deportation orders.  However, these provisions are overly broad in scope and are being applied to persons who have valid documents, but whom an inspector believes intends to violate the terms of his or her status.  Without any meaningful review, unsuspecting travelers are finding themselves facing summary deportation based only on the subjective opinion of the inspector.

New bars to admissibility

IIRIRA creates new bars to entering the U.S. for people who have been unlawfully present in the U.S. for six months or longer.  Under these new provisions, anyone who tries to enter the U.S. who has previously been in the country unlawfully for more than 180 days, but less than one year, will be barred from reentering the U.S. for three years.  Anyone who is in the U.S. unlawfully for one year or more will be barred from reentering for ten years. The 1996 law provides only very limited waivers and exceptions to these bars.

Gutting suspension of deportation

IIRIRA significantly changed a discretionary form of relief that was known as "suspension of deportation" (now called "cancellation of removal").  This relief allowed a judge to suspend the deportation of a person who was not legally residing in the U.S. but who had lived here for a long time and had other extenuating circumstances.  To be eligible to apply for suspension of deportation, an applicant had to prove that he or she had been in the U.S. for at least seven years and that the applicant or his/her U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident family member would suffer extreme hardship if the applicant were deported.  If the applicant could establish these factors, the immigration judge could prevent the applicant's deportation.  IIRIRA made this form of relief much more difficult to obtain.  Under IIRIRA, an applicant must show that he/she has been in the U.S. for at least ten years and that deportation would result in "exceptional and extremely unusual hardship" to a U.S. citizen or lawful permanent resident family member - hardship to the applicant is insufficient.  If the applicant cannot meet these extremely high eligibility requirements, the judge has no authority to suspend the applicant's deportation.

Use of secret evidence.

IIRIRA, together with AEDPA, establishes a new court charged only with hearing cases in which the government seeks to deport aliens based on secret evidence submitted in the form of classified information.  The INS already has tried in other courts to use secret evidence against immigrants. In commenting on one such attempt, a court said, "One would be hard pressed to design a procedure more likely to result in erroneous deprivations.  Secrecy is not congenial to truth seeking.  No better instrument has been devised for arriving at the truth than to give a person in jeopardy of serious loss notice of the case against him and the opportunity to meet it."  This simple statement is a fundamental requisite of any fair legal system.  Proceedings conducted out of sight of the accused and their attorneys are a feature of totalitarian governments, not of our own.

Add to that year welfare "reform" (which has had mixed effects at best even when the economy was good) that removed the safety net for the poorest among us or at least made the holes in the net bigger and the net temporary and the refusal to equalize the crack/cocaine disparity and it appears that the 1990's was an attack on the poor, immigrants, and immigrants, and minorities.

I haven't seen any evidence that Senator Clinton is running away from this record. In fact, at least with reference to immigration she's moving even more to the right.

At campaign stops Senator Clinton has stated that immigrants who commit crimes should be put on a plane and sent back to where they came from immediately with no legal process.

Those positions have destroyed numerous lives and are not in any way positions of a Democrat.

Flame away if you feel the need but it would be great if these positions could be defended based on what our party believes instead.



Display:


Thank you so much. (none / 0)

As a criminal defense lawyer who just helped teach a CLE on immigration consequences of criminal convictions, I really appreciate this diary.


by Oregon Bear on Sun Feb 03, 2008 at 10:50:06 PM EST

How dare you! (none / 0)

But...but...but, the Clinton presidency was the most glorious period in the history of the Republic!

But seriously, income growth for the poor under Clinton - and for most other income quintiles - was negative or flat for most of his administration:

Inflation-adjusted income growth rates for the bottom 20% is non-existent before, during, and after the Clinton administration.  The `Clinton boom' did not a damn thing for people at the bottom, overall, as measured by income growth.  So when supporters of the Clinton years talk about the great era of prosperity, they are talking about themselves or some group other than the poorest Americans.  The `Clinton boom' did not even do all that much for the top 20% overall, with at best modest rates of income growth gain during the Clinton years.  The top 1%, by contrast, enjoyed a more rapid rate of income growth gain than before or after the Clinton presidency.

(See chart in Roger Lowenstein, "The Inequality Conundrum", NYT, 10 June 2007 -love how this is framed as a `conundrum'; it's really all just a big riddle, dontchaknow)
http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/10/magazi ne/10wwln-lede-t.html?ex=1186632000& en=d750f6934ea65438&ei=5070

And this was not an accident, it was the predictable outcome of policy priorities.

Clinton on inauguration: "We're Eisenhower Republicans here":

But Clinton's economic program changed drastically even during the two-month interregnum between his November election and his inauguration in January 1993, as Bob Woodward of the Washington Post documented in compelling detail in his first Washington insider book on economic policy, The Agenda. As reported by Woodward, Clinton himself acknowledged only weeks after winning the election that "We're Eisenhower Republicans here.  We stand for lower deficits, free trade, and the bond market. Isn't that great?" Clinton further conceded during this same time period that with his new policy focus "we help the bond market and we hurt the people who voted us in".

The central point is that, as we have seen, wage gains for average workers during the Clinton boom remained historically weak, especially in relationship to the ascent of productivity (see Figure 2.1 and Table 2.7). These facts provide the basis for the poll findings reported in Business Week at the end of 1999 that substantial majorities of US citizens expressed acute dissatisfaction with various features of their economic situation. For example, 51 percent of American workers interviewed by the magazine declared that they 'felt cheated by their employer'. When asked their view of what Business Week termed the 'current productivity boom', 63 percent said that the boom has not raised their earnings, and 62 percent that it had not improved their job security. Such negative popular reactions are striking, given the persistent portrayal by the media of the Clinton economy as a time of unparalleled prosperity.

Robert Pollin, "Clintonomics: A Reappraisal" CounterPunch, 18-19 October 2003
http://www.counterpunch.org/pollin101820 03.html

Clinton: "We help the bond market and hurt the people who voted us in":


The basic message of The Roaring Nineties is straightforward: From day one, the Clinton administration's economic agenda was set by Wall Street, primarily through its main spokespersons, Federal Reserve Chair Alan Greenspan and Robert Rubin, whom Clinton selected from his position as co-chair of the elite Wall Street firm Goldman Sachs to become his most influential economic advisor and, eventually, treasury secretary. As Stiglitz states repeatedly, Clinton was elected to office on a platform of "Putting People First" and "Jobs, Jobs, Jobs." But the actual Wall Street agenda became clear immediately. It was deficit reduction, low inflation, and deregulation. Stiglitz argues that this program was responsible for the stock market bubble and bust and the assorted accounting scandals.

It is not news that Wall Street's priorities became dominant during the Clinton presidency. This perspective was first presented as early as 1993, in Bob Woodward's Washington insider book, The Agenda, which reports on the economic policy debates within the just forming Clinton administration in the interregnum between Clinton's November 1992 election and his January 1993 inauguration. At one point in The Agenda, Woodward even quotes Clinton himself as saying, "We help the bond market and hurt the people who voted us in"--in other words, the president-elect of the United States, before he ever set foot in office for a single day, was already ceding control over his own administration's basic policy direction. But to hear this story from Joseph Stigliz is very different than hearing it from Bob Woodward, since Stiglitz is writing after having been a senior member of the Clinton economic team and, of course, with the depth and authority of a Nobel laureate in economics.

The stakes are extremely high as to which perspective on Clintonomics prevails--something like the Stiglitz story or the Rubin viewpoint. Is there any possibility for the Democratic Party under John Kerry to move beyond a Wall Street-dominated economic program? Can they get serious about the country's deepening problems of jobs, inequality, and financial market excess--the issues that always come to the fore as rhetorical fodder during election campaigns, only to be shunted aside once the Democrats actually win office? Acknowledging the Stiglitz story would push the Democrats to take their own rhetoric seriously, while the Rubin position would let them off the hook yet again.
...
Meanwhile, even by the end of Clinton's term of office, wages for the average worker remained 10 percent below where they were when Nixon stepped down in 1973, while the long-term trend of widening inequality grew more severe.

Robert Pollin, Challenge, July-August 2004

According the above analysis, recitation of the Clinton boom myth has real political consequences that are not in the progressive direction.

Finally, the GNP and productivity booms of the Clinton era was primarily a function of the weak bargaining position of labor, an outcome directly worsened by Clinton policies:

"Both the average wages for non-supervisory workers and the earnings of those in the lowest 10 percent of wage earners," notes Robert Pollin, "not only remained well below those of the Nixon/Ford and Carter administrations, but were actually lower than that even than those of the Reagan/Bush years. Moreover, wage inequality -- as measured by the ratio of the 90th to the 10th wage decile -- increased sharply during Clinton's tenure in office, even relative to the Republican heyday of the 1980s". To make matters worse, the percentage of Americans living at or below the poverty level during the Clinton administration (13.2) was only minimally smaller than the corresponding statistic for the Reagan/Bush era (14.1). The circumstances of the officially "poor" population actually worsened under Clinton. This partly reflected the Clinton administration's neoliberal slashing of federal family cash assistance for jobless single mothers and its related reliance on the capitalist labor market to improve the conditions of society's most vulnerable.

As Pollin shows, following the testimony of Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, the leading explanation for the exceptionally low level of wage growth that occurred even amidst a tightening labor market during the 1990s was the reluctance of workers to demand higher incomes. This reluctance emerged from the weakness of labor's bargaining power in an increasingly global economy where employers widely and quite credibly threaten to close their shops and relocate if workers voted to unionize. It also emerged from the neoliberal pro-corporate-globalization stance of the Clinton administration, which did virtually nothing to enhance workers' bargaining power vis-à-vis business, thereby making it certain that the "traumatized [American] worker" (as Greenspan described American working people to Congress in 1997) would accept historically minor wage increases during the 1990s boom.

Paul Street, "`We Had a Different Policy': Clinton Was No Champion of the poor", 30 September 2005
http://blogs.zmag.org/ee_links/we_had_a_ different_policy_clinton_was_no_champion _of_the_poor

Clinton was far better than Bush I but the mythologizing and genuflecting are truly nauseating.


"We live entangled in webs of endless deceit, often self-deceit, but with a little honest effort, it is possible to extricate ourselves from them". -- NC
by Trond Jacobsen on Mon Feb 04, 2008 at 10:54:55 AM EST


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